Some time later, passing through Buenos Aires after a year of living and researching in Bolivia, I bought On Populist Reason, as I was already obsessed with understanding the national-popular in Latin America and passionate about working through some of its ambivalences. None of these cases . On the other hand, the political struggle is not directed by the masses themselves in a direct action, but in correspondence with the form of the bourgeois State, in a representative fashion, by the presence of legislative representation.". This isolation and fragmentation is not a contingent event: it is a structural effect of the capitalist State, which is only overcome in a revolutionary atmosphere. Dismiss this message or, 208 pages / December 2013 / 9781781681541, UK Black History Month: 40% off our key reading, 40% off Derrida and ALL our Radical Thinkers. It has lost one of its most insightful political thinkers. He was needed in order to think through the challenges of the sedimentation of the plebeian and democratic irruption in the states of Latin America, and, in Southern Europe, to face the challenge of how to convert the majority’s discontent and suffering into new popular hegemonies. We publish here Íñigo Errejón's tribute to Laclau, a very timely reminder of the urgent actuality of Laclau's life-long reflections on hegemony, left-wing strategies, and the knotty question of populism. With the emergence of new social and political identities, and the frequent attacks on Left theory for its essentialist underpinnings,… Ernesto Laclau died when he was most needed, at a moment of uncertainty and the opening up of cracks allowing for unprecedented possibilities. Doctor and researcher in Political Science at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, and director of strategy and communication for Podemos.You can find the original version of the obituary here. The hegemonic force produces a moral, cultural and symbolic order within whose terms and on which terrain the subaltern layers and even its opponents must operate, this now having become the common sense that cannot be challenged except from a position of absolute exteriority condemned to irrelevance. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985) was the principle work by Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, a book that founded a whole theoretical outlook. 2. the writings from Machiavelli. . The surpassing of a great intellectual tradition never takes place in the sudden form of a collapse, but in the way that river waters, having originated at a common source, spread in various directions and mingle with currently flowing down from other sources. 2nd Edition. Continuing in this vein, he proposed a conceptualisation of populism radically different from its vague, pejorative media usage. It is no secret to anyone that no recent political initiative in Spain would be possible without intellectual cross-pollination, learning from the living processes of change in Latin America, and an understanding of the role of discourse, common sense and hegemony – which clearly owes to the work of Laclau, among others. On Sunday the Argentinian political theorist Ernesto Laclau (1935-2014) died in Seville. UK Black History Month: 40% off our key reading, 40% off Derrida and ALL our Radical Thinkers, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time. "Only in the sultry air of the period of revolution can any partial little conflict between labour and capital grow into a general explosion. Mass strike, the dominant form of struggle in the first Russian revolution, is dealt with in its specific mechanisms as well as in its possible projections for the workers’ struggle in Germany. That is, a Latin-Americanisation that takes place from above but also from below. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (2 nd, 2001)--Personal notes from my reading in 2014. Ernesto Laclau’s intellectual trajectory constantly crossed disciplinary boundaries (history, philosophy, political science) and rejected the conservative prejudice that there is an incompatibility between scientific rigour and political commitment: in each step he took in his career, his seriousness as an academic was inseparable from his curiosity for and intellectual involvement in the disputes of his time and their possible emancipatory consequences. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985) was the principle work by Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, a book that founded a whole theoretical outlook. . He understood this word not as a specific ideological content but rather as a form of articulating popular identities – typical in moments of crisis, institutions’ loss of capacity to absorb pressure, and discontent and the dislocation of previously-existing loyalties – by way of the dichotomisation of the political space setting a ‘plebs’ that asserts itself as the only legitimate ‘populus’ in opposition to symbolically-grouped elites. The contexts in which the concept appear will be those of a fault (in the geological sense), of a fissure that had to be filled up, of a contingency that had to be overcome. A few days ago, introducing an event with the Bolivian vice-president Álvaro García Linera – without doubt the other great mind of Latin America’s era of change – I thought that ‘it’s not easy, presenting someone so much of whose works I have read’. I remember how dense and complex the fragment of Hegemony and Socialist Strategy struck me as, and I would later return to it pencil in hand. %PDF-1.4 GRAMSCI AND HEGEMONY are mobilized as the most promising way to grapple with the pluralist challenge—but importantly, he is mobilized as heir to a rich tradition of Marxist thought that is not reducible to the Second International And when they grow into isolated mass strikes which have without question a political colouring, they do not bring about a general storm." . In these conditions and given that the revolutionary outbreaks in Russia could be explained by factors such as the comparative backwardness of the country, the absence of political liberties, or the poverty of the Russian proletariat — were not the perspectives for revolution in the West postponed sine die? It is in the multiple, meandering reflections in the broken mirror of "historical necessity" that a new logic of the social begins to insinuate itself, one that will only manage to think itself by questioning the very literality of the terms it articulates. Even in its humble origins in Russian Social Democracy, where it is called upon to cover a limited area of political effects, the concept of "hegemony" already alludes to a kind of contingent intervention required by the crisis or collapse of what would have been a "normal" historical development. But for her this implies consideration of two vital problems for the socialist cause: the unity of the working class and the path to revolution in Europe. In fact, using somewhat freely an expression of Foucault, we could say that our aim is to establish the "archaeology of a silence."
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